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EULOGY 



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s^ 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



CITY COUNCIL AND CITIZENS OF LOWELL, 



^t luntington fall, gtprU IDtlj, 1865, 



BY HON. GEOEGE S. BOUTWELL. 



PUBLISHED BY RESOLUTION OF THE CITY COUNCIL. 




LOWELL: 
STONK & HUSE, PRINTERS, COURIER OFFICE, 21 CENTRAL STREET. 

1S6.5. 



EULOGY 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



CITY COUNCIL AND CITIZENS OF LOWELL, 



g.t Dunthtgtoit full, ^pril If)tlj, 1865, 



BY HON. GEOEGE S. BOUTWELL. 




PUBLISHED BY RESOLUTION OF THE CITY COUNCIL. 



LOWELL: 
STONE & IIUSE, PRINTERS, COURIER OFFICE, 21 CENTRAL STREET. 

1865. 



-Ens 



EULOGY. 



The nation is bowed down to-day under the Weight of 
a solemn and appalling sorrow, such as never before rested 
upon a great people. It is not the presence of death 
merely, — with that we have become familiar. It is not the 
loss of a leader only that we mourn, nor of a statesman who 
had exhibited wisdom in great trials, in vast enterprises of 
war, and in delicate negotiations for the preservation of 
peace with foreign countries ; but of a twice chosen and 
twice ordained ruler in whom these great qualities were 
found, and to which were added the personal courage of the 
soldier and the moral heroism of the Christian. 

Judged by this generation in other lands, and by other 
generations in future times, Abraham Lincoln will be es- 
teemed as the wisest of rulers and the most fortunate of 
men. To him and to his fame the manner of his death is 
nothing ; to the country and to the whole civilized family of 
man it is the most appalling of tragical events. The rising 
sun of the day following that night of unexampled crime 
revealed to us the nation's loss; but, stunned by the shock, 
the people were unable to comprehend the magnitude of the 
calamity. As the last rays of the setting sun glided into 
the calm twilight of evening, the continent was stilled into 
silence by its horror of the crime and its sense of the great- 
ness of the loss sustained. 



4 



If we believe reverently that God guided his chosen 
people in ancient times, that He was with our fathers in their 
struggle for independence, we are likely also to believe that 
in the events transpiring in this country the Ruler of all the 
earth makes his ways known to men in an unusual manner 
and to an unusual extent. If God rules, then are not all 
men, even in their imperfections and sins, in some mysterious 
way and under peculiar circumstances the doers of His will ? 
To the human eye Abraham Lincoln seems to have been 
specially designated by Divine Providence for the perform- 
ance of a great work. His origin was humble, his means of 
education stinted. He was without wealth, and he did not 
enjoy the support of influential friends. Much the larger 
part of his life was spent in private pursuits, and he never 
exhibited even the common human desire for public employ- 
ment,' leadership and fame. His ambition concerning the 
great office that he held was fully satisfied ; and the triumph 
of his moderate and reasonable expectations was not even 
marred by the untimely and bloody hand of the assassin. 
During the canvass of 18G4 and with the modesty of a child 
he said, " I cannot say that I wish to perform the duties of 
President for four years more ; but I should be gratified by 
the approval of the people of what I have done." This he 
received ; and however precious it may have been to him, it 
is a more precious memory to the people themselves. 

His public life was embraced in the period of about six 
years. This statement does not include his brief service in 
the legislature of the State of Illinois, nor his service as a 
subordinate officer in one of the frontier Indian wars, nor his 
single term of service in the House of Representatives of 



the United States nearly twenty years ago. In none of 
these places did he attract the attention of the country, nor 
did the experience acquired fit him specially for the great 
duties to which he was called finally. He was nearly fifty 
years of age when he entered upon the contest, henceforth 
historical, for a seat in the Senate from the State of Illinois. 
This was the commencement of his public life, and from that 
time forward he gained and grew in the estimation of his 
countrymen. At the moment of his death he enjoyed the 
confidence of all loyal men, including those even wdio did 
not openly give him their support ; and there were many, 
possibly in them it was a sin, who came at last to regard him 
as a Divinely appointed leader of the people. The speeches 
which he delivered in that contest are faithful exponents of 
his character, his principles, and his capacity. His state' 
ments of opinion are clear and unequivocal; his reasoning 
was logical and harmonious ; and his principles, as then 
expressed, were consonant with the declaration subsequently 
made, " that each man has the right by nature to be the equal 
politically of any other man." He was then, as ever, chary 
of predictions concerning the future ; but it was in his open- 
ing speech that he declared his conviction, which was in truth 
a prophecy, that this nation could not remain permanently 
half slave and half free. 

In that long and arduous contest with one of the fore- 
most men of the country, Mr. Lincoln made no remark which 
he was unable to defend, nor could he, by any force of argu- 
ment, be driven from a position that he had taken. It was 
then that those who heard or read the del)ate observed the 
richness of his nature in mirth and wit which charmed his 



6 



friends without wounding his opponents, and which he used 
with wonderful sagacity in illustrating his own ai-guments, or 
in weakening, or even at times in overthrowing thfe argu- 
ments of his antagonist. And yet it cannot be doubted that 
for many years, if not from his very youth, Mr. Lincoln was 
a melancholy man. He seemed to bear about with him the 
weight of coming cares, and to sit in gloom as though his 
path of life was darkened by an unwelcome shadow. His 
fondness for story and love for mirth were the compensation 
which nature gave. 

In the midst of overburdening cares these characteris- 
tics were a daily relief; and yet it is but just to say that he 
often used an appropriate story as a means of foiling a too 
inquisitive visitor, or of changing or ending a conversation 
which he did not desire to pursue. 

During the first French revolution, when the streets of 
Paris were stained with human blood, the inhabitants, women 
and men, flocked to places of amusement. To the mass of 
mankind, and especially to the inexperienced, this conduct 
appears frivolous, or as the exhibition of a criminal indiffer- 
ence to the miseries of individuals and the calamities of the 
public. But such are the horrors of war, the pressure of 
responsibility, that men often seek refuge and relief in 
amusements, from which in ordinary times they would turn 
aside. 

In Mr. Lincoln's speeches of 1858 there are passages 
which suggest to the mind the classic models of ancient 
days, although they do not in any proper sense rise to an 
equality with them. His style of writing was as simple as 
were his own habits and manners ; and no person ever 



excelled him in clearness of expression. Hence he was 
understood and appreciated by all classes. The Proclama- 
tion of Emancipation, his address at the dedication of the 
Cemetery at Gettysburg, and his touching letter to the 
widowed mother wdio had given five sons to the country, are 
memorable as evidences of his intellectual and moral great- 
ness. 

His speeches of 1858 are marked for the precision with 
which he stated his own positions, and for the firmness exhib" 
ited whenever his opponent endeavored to worry him from 
his chosen ground, or by artifice, or argument, or persuasion, 
to induce him to advance a step beyond. 
M His administration, as far as he himself was concerned, 

was inaugurated upon the doctrines and principles of the 
great debate. He recognized the obligation to return fugi- 
tives from slavery, and it was no part of his purpose to 
interfere with slavery in the States where it existed. It 
must remain for the historian and the biographer, who may 
have access to priyate and personal sources of knowledge, to 
inform the country and the world how far Mr. Lincoln, when 
he entered upon his duties as President, comprehended the 
magnitude of the struggle in which the nation w^as about to 
engage. 

The circumstance that his first call for volunteers was 
for seventy-five thousand men only, is not valuable as evi- 
dence one way or the other. The number was quite equal 
to our supply of arms and materials of war, and altogether 
too vast for the experience of the men then at the head of 
military affairs. The number was sufficient to show his 
purpose ; — the purpose to which he adhered through all the 



i 



8 



trials and vicissitudes of this eventful contest. His purpose 
was the suppression of the rebellion, both as a civil organi- 
zation and as an armed military force, and the re-establish- 
ment of the authority of the United States over the terri- 
tory of the Union. ' There yet remain in the minds of men 
who were acquainted with Mr. Lincoln in the spring and 
summer of 1861, the recollection of expressions made by 
him, which indicate that there were then vague thoughts in 
his mind that it might be his lot under Providence to bring 
the slaves of the country out of their bondage. But how- 
ever this may have been, he never deviated from his purpose 
to suppress the rebellion ; and he conscientiously applied the 
means at his command to the attainment of that end. Thus 
step by step he advanced, until in his own judgment, in the 
judgment of the country, and of the best portion of mankind 
in other civilized nations, the emancipation of the slaves was 
a necessary means for the successful prosecution of the war. 
Mr. Lincoln was not insensible to the justice of emancipa- 
tion ; he saw its wisdom as a measure of public policy ; but 
he delayed the proclamation until he was fully convinced 
that it offered the only chance of averting a foreign war, 
suppressing the rebellion, and restoring the Union of the 
States. 

In the great struggle of 1862, Mr. Lincoln exhibited a 
two-fold character. He was personally the enemy of slavery, 
and he ardently desired its abolition ; but he also regarded 
his oath of office, and steadily refused to recognize the 
existence of any right to proclaim emancipation while other 
means of saving the republic remained. He sought the 
path of duty and he walked fearlessly in it. Until he was 



9 



satisfied of the necessity of emancipation, no earthly power 
could have led hinj to issue the proclamation ; and after its 
issue no earthly power could have induced him to retract or 
to qualify it. When an effort was made to pursuade him to 
qualify the proclamation, he said, in reference to the blacks, 
" My word is out to these people, and I can't take it back." 

It has been common in representative governments for 
men to be advanced to great positions without any sufficient 
evidence existing of their ability to perform the correspond- 
ing duties, and it has often happened that the occupant has 
not been elevated, while the office has been sadly degraded. 
It was observed by those who visited Mr. Lincoln on the day 
following his nomination at Chicago in June, 18G0, that he 
would prove, in the event of his election, either a great suc- 
cess or a great failure. 

This prediction was based upon the single fact that he 
was different froni ordinary men, and it did not contain, as 
an element of the opinion, any knowledge of his peculiar 
characteristics. History will accept the first branch of the 
alternative opinion, and pronounce his administration a great 
success. To this success Mr. Lincoln most largely contri- 
buted, and this in spite of peculiarities which appeared to 
amount to defects in a great ruler in troublous times. 

Never were words uttered which contained less truth 
than those which fell from the lips of the assassin, sic semper 
tyrannis, as he passed, in the presence of an excited and 
bewildered crowd, from the spot where he had committed 
the foulest of murders to the stage of the theatre from 
whence he made his escape. 

Mr. Lincoln exercised power with positive reluctance 



10 



and unfeigned distaste. He shrunk from the exhibition of 
any authority that was oppressive, harsh, or even disagree- 
able to a human being. He passed an entire night in anxious 
thought and prayerful deliberation, before he could sanction 
the execution of Gordon, the slave-dealer, although he had 
been tried, found guilty, and sentenced to death. There 
is but little doubt, such was the kindness of Mr. Lin- 
coln's nature, that he desired to close the war, and restore 
the Union, without exacting the forfeit of a single life as a 
punishment for the great crime of which the leaders in this 
rebellion are guilty. 

Could this liberal policy have been carried out, it would 
have been the theme of perpetual eulogy, and its author 
would have received the acclamation of all races and classes 
of men. 

Mr. Lincoln had not in his nature, or in the habits of 
his life, any element or feature of tyranny. He had no love 
of power for the sake of power. He preferred that every 
man should act as might seem to him best ; and when in 
the discharge of his duties he was called to enforce penal- 
ties, or even to remove men from place, he suffered more 
usually than did the subjects of his authority. It is easy 
to understand that this peculiarity was sometimes an obsta- 
cle to the vigorous administration of aflairs. But on the 
other hand, it must have happened occasionally that these 
delays led to a better judgment in the end. 

Mr. Lincoln was, in the best sense of the expression, an 
industrious man. Whatever he examined, he examined care- 
fully and ' thoroughly. His patience was unlimited. He 
listened attentively to advice, though it is probable that he 



11 



seldom asked it. For nearly fifty years before he entered 
upon the duties of President he had relied upon himself; 
and it is said that in the practice of his profession he never 
sought opinions or suggestions from his brethren, except as 
they were associated with him in particular causes. He had 
the acuteness of the lawyer and the fairness of the judge. 
The case must be intricate indeed which he did not easily 
analyze so as to distinguish and estimate whatever was 
meritorious or otherwise in it. He saw also through the 
motives of men. He easily fathomed those around him, and 
acted in the end as though he understood their dispositions 
towards himself 

He a])peared to possess an intuitive knowledge of the 
opinions and purposes of the people. His sense of justice 
was exact, and if he ever failed to be guided by it, the 
departure was due to the kindness of his nature, which 
always prompted him to look with the compassion of a parent 
upon the unfortunate, — the guilty as well as the innocent. 
He was cautious in forming opinions, and disinclined to dis- 
close his purposes until the moment of action arrived. He 
examined every subject of importance with conscientious 
care ; his conclusions were formed under a solemn sense of 
duty ; and while that sense of duty remained he was firm 
in resisting all counter influences. In unimportant matters, 
not involving principles or the character of his public policy, 
he yielded readily to the wishes of those around him; and 
thus they who knew him or heard of him in these relations 
only were misled as to his true character. 

No magistrate or ruler ever labored more zealously to 
place his measures and policy upon the sure foundation of 



12 



right ; and no magistrate or ruler ever adhered to his meas- 
ures and policy with more firmness as long as he felt sure of 
the foundation. His last public address is a memorable 
illustration of these traits of character. 

The charmed cord by which he attached all to him wha 
enjoyed his acquaintance even in the slighest degree, was- 
the absence of all pretension in manners, conversation or 
personal appearance. This was not humility, either real or 
assumed ; but it was due to an innate and ever present con- 
sciousness of the equality of men. He accorded to every 
one who approached him, whatever his business or station in 
life, such hearing and attention as circumstances permitted. 
For himself he asked nothing of the nature of personal con- 
sideration. In the multiplicity of his cares, in his daily 
attention to cases touching the reputation and rights of 
humble and unknown men, in the patience with which he 
listened to the narratives of heart-broken women, whose 
husbands, or sons, or brothers had fallen under arrest or into 
•disgrace in the military or naval service of the country, he 
was indeed the servant and the friend of all. 

The inexorable rules of military discipline were some- 
times disregarded by him ; he sought to make an open way 
for justice through the forms and technicalities of courts 
martial, bureaus and departments ; and it is not unlikely 
that the public service may have received detriment occa- 
sionally by the too free use of the power to pardon and to 
restore. But the nation could well aftbrd the indulgence of 
his over-kind nature in these particulars, for by this kind- 
^oaess of nature he drew the people to him, and thus opinions 



13 



were hcarmonized, the republic was strengthened, and the 
power of its enemies sensibly diminished. 

Mr. Lincoln never despaired of the republic. During 
the dark days of July, August, and September, 1862, he 
was not dismayed by the disasters which befel our arms. 
His confidence was not in our military strength alone ; he 
looked to the Lord of Hosts for the final delivery of the 
people. 

Following this attempt to analyze Mr. Lincoln's intel- 
lectual and moral character, it remains to be said, that neither 
this analysis nor the statements with which it is connected, 
furnish any just idea of the man. He was more, he was 
greater, he was wiser, he was better than the ideal man 
which w^e should be authorized to create from the qualities 
disclosed by the analysis. And so possibly there will ever 
remain an apparent dissimilitude between the appreciable 
individual qualities of the man and the man himself 

Mr. Lincoln was a wise man, but he had not the wisdom 
of the ancient philosophers, who declared it to be the knowl- 
edge of things both divine and human, together with the 
causes on which they depend ; but he was rather an illustra- 
tion of the proverb of Solomon : — " The fear of the Lord is 
the instruction of wisdom." 

Mr. Lincoln must ever be named among the great per- 
sonages of history. He will be contrasted rather than com- 
pared with those with whom he is thus to be associated ; and 
when compared with any, he is most likely to be compared 
with the Father of his Country. If this be so, then his rank 
is already fixed and secure. In many particulars he differs 
from other great men. When his important public services 



14 



began he was more than fifty years of age, while Cromwell 
was only forty years old when called from retirement, and 
most eminent men in civil and military life have been dis- 
tinguished at an earlier age. lie had no military experience 
or military fame. He was taken from private life and advanced 
to the Presidency upon a pure question or declaration of 
public policy — the non-extension of slavery. He entered 
upon his great office in the presence of assassins and traitors, 
and from that day to the day of his death he dwelt in their 
presence and faithfully performed his duties. He conducted 
the affairs of the republic in the most perilous of times. In the 
short period of four years he called three millions of men into 
the military service of his country. During his administration 
a rebellion, in which eleven States and six millions of people 
were involved, was effectually overthrown. But the great 
act which secures to his name all the immortality which earth 
can bestow, is the Proclamation of Emancipation. The 
knowledge of that deed can never die. On this continent it 
will be associated with the Declaration of Independence, and 
with that alone. One made a nation independent, the other 
made a race free. 

There are four million of people in this country who 
now regard Abraham Lincoln as their 'deliverer from bond- 
age, and whose posterity, through all the coming centuries, 
wtll render tribute of praise to his name and memory. But 
his fame in connection with the Proclamation of Emancipa- 
tion will not be left to the care of those who have been the 
recipients of the boon of freedom. The white people of the 
South will yet rejoice in the knowledge of their own deliv- 
erance through this gift to the now despised colored man. 



15 



And finally, the people of the United States, of the Amer- 
ican continent, together with the whole family of civilized 
man, shall join in honors to the memory of him who freed a 
race and saved a nation. 

What fame that is human merely can he more secure ? 
What glory that is of earth can be more enduring ? What 
deed for good can be more wide spread ? 

The knowledge and influence of the great act of his 
life will extend to every continent and to all races. It will 
advance with civilization into Africa ; it will shake and 
finally overthrow slavery in the dominions of Spain and in 
the Empire of Brazil ; and at last, in that it saved a republic 
find perpetuated a free representative government as an 
example and model for' mankind, it will undermine the mon- 
archical, aristocratic and despotic institutions of J]urope and 
Asia. 

What fame that is human, merely can he raore secure ? 
What glory that is of earth can he more enduring ? What 
deed for good can he more loide spread ? 

Yet this great act of his life rested on a foundation on 
W'hich all may stand. In the place where he was, he did 
that which, in his judgment, duty to his country and to his 
God required. This is indeed his highest praise, and the 
only eulogy that his life demands. 

That he had greater opportunities than other men was 
his responsibility and burden ; that he used his great oppor- 
tunities for the preservation of his country and the relief of 
the oppressed is his own glory. 



16 



Had Mr. Lincoln been permitted to reach the age 
attained by Jefferson and Adams, his death would have pro- 
duced a profound impression upon his countrymen. 

Had he now in the opening months of his second admin- 
istration fallen by accident or yielded to disease, the nation 
would have been bowed down in inexpressible grief Every 
loyal heart would have been burdened with a weight of sor- 
row, and every loyal household w^ould have felt as though 
a place had been made vacant at its own hearth-stone. 

That he has now fallen by the hand of an assassin is 
in itself a horror too appalling for contemplation. Had the 
deed been committed in ancient Greece or Rome we could 
not now read the historian's record without a shudder and a 
tear. All those qualities in the illustrious victim which we 
cherish were spurs ever goading the conspirators on to the 
consummation of their crime. 

His love of country and of liberty, his devotion to 
duty, his firmness and persistency in the right, his kindness 
of heart and his spirit of mercy were all reasons or induce- 
ments influencing the purposes of the conspirators. Neither 
greatness nor goodness was a shield. Had he been greater 
and better and wiser than he was his fate would h^ve been 
the same. 

In this hour of calamity let not the thirst for ven- 
geance take possession of our souls. But justice should be 
done. The circle of conspirators is already broken and 
entered by the officers of the law, and mankind will finally 
be permitted to see who were the authors and who the per- 
petrators of this great crime. For the members of this 
circle, whether it be small or large, and whomsoever it may 



17 



include, there should be neither compassion nor mercy, but 
justice and only justice. Judged as men judge, this crime 
is too great for pardon. The criminals can find no protec- 
tion or harbor in any civilized country. Let the government 
pursue them with its full power until the last one disappears 
from earth. Vex every sea, visit every island, traverse every 
continent, let there be no abiding place for these criminals 
between the Arctic seas and the Antarctic pole. 

This justice demands as she sits in judgment upon this 
unparalleled crime. 

One duty and one consolation remain, lie who de- 
stroyed slavery was himself by slavery destroyed. Who- 
ever the assassin, and however numerous the conspirators, 
love, of slavery was the evil spirit which had entered into 
these men and taken possession of them. Slavery is the 
source and fountain of the crime, and all they who have given 
their support to slavery are in some degree responsible for 
the awful deed. Let, then, the nation purify itself from this 
the foulest of sins. And this is our duty. 

In the Providence of God, Mr. Lincoln was permitted 
to do more than any other man of this century for his coun- 
try, for liberty, and for mankind. Mr. Lincoln is dead, but 
the nation lives, and the Providence of God ever continues. 
No single life was ever yet essential to the life of a nation. 
This is our consolation and ground for confidence in the 
future. 












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